2025-02-24

Don’t boo this week, Ontario. Vote.

Speaking of voting, consider this Economist dispatch about the “mind-bending electoral maths” of the forthcoming German election and tell me, again, why proportional representation is inherently superior to our own venerable system?

Speaking of dubious high-ground, Patrick West’s guest piece in the Spectator, which follows a political study reported by the Guardian, is the most interesting thing that I read all week:

Left-wing activists are less likely to understand or listen to people with conservative beliefs, compared to the rest of the population. They are more inclined to view them negatively, and to dismiss them as having ‘been misled’ in forming their opinions. This is the revelation on the front page of the Guardian today.

I think the key word here is activist—which I’ve come to see as having about as much tension with the word citizen as the words right and left have with each other.

The inaugural grand masters of science fiction each treated themselves to respective laws of the universe, and so it’s always nice to see anyone in a more, uh, serious field indulge in a set themselves. Paul Wells has dusted his four laws off in a recent post, just in time for the voting season. You know, someone should really compile a dictionary of various laws of Canadian political physics (as it were).

I’ve written in past about the moral poverty of invoking the “right side of history”—I positioned character as a better anchor, which I stand by, but drove by this more obvious, critical point from historian Simon Sebag Montefiore, from his recent Honestly with Bari Weiss podcast appearance:

…the thing about history is, it’s assumed an enormous power now. And the reason for that is that we don’t have religion anymore in our secular societies. And so where we look for authentic, legitimate, sacred power, where we look for sanctity, we don't look to God anymore. […] But we look to history. So when President Putin wants to invade Ukraine, he doesn’t mention God. He mentions history.

Speaking of podcasts and historians, Margaret MacMillian sure makes a sensible case for there being enough room to both appreciate one’s country while expecting more of it in future, on her a recent chat with the Hub podcast.

2025-02-17

I enjoyed this recent column from the Globe and Mail’s Robyn Urback, it cuts to the problem at the heart of the forthcoming federal election.

Happy hundredth anniversary to the New Yorker. Lots of great pieces to celebrate, Jill Lepore’s editorial history of the magazine chief among them. Come for the breaking of rules, stay for the John Updike anecdote.

I’ve now finished Chris Hayes’s excellent new book, The Siren’s Call (2025). As I mentioned a few weeks ago, I think incorporating his insight—like it or not (we obviously like it not)—is critical to updating your political operating system for the new era we’ve blundered into. Here’s an excerpt that serves as a proverbial “you are here” pin in the map:

The reality of the attention age is that everywhere you look, both formal and substantive attentional regimes have collapsed. And where there is no attentional regime, no formal set of institutions to force public attention on a topic, no basic rules for who will speak when and who will listen, the need for attention becomes exclusive; it swallows debate, it swallows persuasion, it swallows discourse whole. Attention ascends from a means to an end to the end itself. If you can’t be heard, it doesn’t matter what you say. And right now it’s both easier than ever to shout and harder than ever to be heard. The incentives of the attention age create a new model for public debate in which attention is its own end, to be grabbed by any means necessary.

If you didn’t catch his chat with Ezra Klein that I mentioned a few weeks back, consider this another opportunity to do so. For all of the press has done for the book, I think their combined appreciation for defining the problem together lends to getting a firmer grip on what’s happened and what’s at stake.

Getting to a film is pretty rare but I had occasion this week to watch Richard Curtis’s About Time (2013). No, not that time-travel themed movie with one of the same actors, the other one. It’s delightful and Tom Hollander’s broken man deadpan steals the show, out of an incredible cast, which is saying something.

2025-02-10

Though it runs counter to the spirit of this experiment, my recommendation this week is to moderate your news consumption. If you absolutely must read anything, don’t miss Annie Lowrey’s forthright defence of the civil service in the Atlantic, Denise Balkissoon’s rightly skeptical evaluation of Canada’s newfound patriotism in the Toronto Star, and Jerry Klassen’s cheeky guest editorial in the National Post about trade (which includes this sentence: “Tariffs are the woke of economics”).

2025-02-03

The Globe and Mail reports:

Justice Marie-Josée Hogue’s final report on foreign interference in Canada says some parliamentarians showed poor judgment and troubling conduct in dealings with foreign powers but she concluded their actions did not amount to treason.

So, à la Arrested Development, they may have only committed some light treason?

The editorial board of the Wall Street Journal has already named the title of this next chapter:

The U.S. willingness to ignore its treaty obligations, even with friends, won’t make other countries eager to do deals. Maybe [the president] will claim victory and pull back if he wins some token concessions. But if a North American trade war persists, it will qualify as one of the dumbest in history.

2025-01-27

I had hoped that a provincial premier—current or former—would contest the leadership of the Liberal Party of Canada. Premiers not only have executive skills lacking in Ottawa, not usually flexed beyond cabinet (if at all), but a scalable sense of vision and seriousness. It’s the same pattern in American politics with fewer governors running for the top than senators.

Speaking of federal politics, and in keeping with the importance of seeking out perspectives on yourself that are not your own, the Spectator’s James Heale has a great dispatch on the broader looming election campaign.

The Globe and Mail’s Tony Keller is right: time to go MadMen on the tariff threat.

2025-01-20

Second verse, same as the first? Your homework this week is to update your political operating system. Here are three exceptional podcast episode chats to get you there.

First, Paul Wells talks to David L. Cohen, outgoing U.S. Ambassador to Canada, and they provide a baseline of our relationship before we start the next chapter.

Second, Jon Stewart talks to gentleman historian Jon Meacham about historical norms (spoiler: actually, this isn’t that not normal—and, no, that’s not a bad thing).

Third, Ezra Klein talks to Chris Hayes about his forthcoming book, The Siren’s Call: How Attention Became the World’s Most Endangered Resource (2025), which is really going to reset how you see things in a good way. No, seriously, your political operating system is out of date and you really need to download this new patch. More on Hayes’s book once it’s released, I have a copy on order.

2025-01-13

There’s something wonderful about a novel that succeeds in defining itself from the first sentence while also drawing you in, like this one from Samantha Harvey’s recent Booker Prize winner, Orbital (2024):

Rotating about the earth in their spacecraft they are so together, and so alone, that even their thoughts, their internal mythologies, at times convene.

It’s not just the confidence, though that is rare; rather, we might call it clarity of purpose, for lack of better phrasing, and at risk of running on.

As far as the state of the realm goes, enjoy this gentle primer on parliamentary prorogation from the Ottawa Citizen, Stephen Maher’s meditation on the outgoing prime minister from the Toronto Star, and Evan Dyer’s sharp CBC article about the ruling party’s “fuzzy” grasp of the threat of foreign interference on the forthcoming leadership race.

2025-01-06

It is not reasonable for a government to expect the country to politely pause the due course of politics to conduct an internal party leadership contest, while the rest of the world spins onward, in some doomed attempt to game the polls ahead of the next election. They have to know that the best result from a rebrand can only be a sugar high soon to be nullified by the long-term damage from such cynical arrogance. That’s not a risk the rest of us agreed to undertake.

Hello, 2025. Here’s a thought from Bill Maher, in his rich and recent book What This Comedian Said Will Shock You (2024), that we all ought to keep in mind for the road ahead:

We have to drop this fantasy that we can crush the other side or shred or pulverize them. Those aren’t real things. They’re the middle three settings on the blender that no one has ever used. America is a big country filled with millions of people who don’t think the way you do and never will, and you can’t own, vanquish or disappear them. Were stuck with them and they're stuck with us. They’re here, they’re annoying, get used to it.

For me, what set Ross Douthat’s excellent book, The Decadent Society (2020), apart from others in a tenacious trend that aim to diagnose what ails us (often without any reference to root causes), is a willingness to talk to his reader like an adult—more than that, to actually concede our faults and deal with reality. For example, here’s a really thoughtful point about a best-case scenario for managing our decline:

This would require accepting that the postwar boom isn’t coming back, accepting that the space race was mostly just Cold War posturing, accepting that we're an aging society that can’t afford vast socialist experiments or growth-chasing supply-side fantasies, accepting that we aren’t going to spread democracy by force of arms—accepting, in other words, that the discontents motivating idealists of the center and populists of the right and left are just differing forms of nostalgia, which can be managed but never satisfied, and which are ultimately just impediments to achieving contentment in our civilization’s old age.

We’re too tribal, that I’ve heard before, but what I haven’t been invited to consider is whether we’re actually just re-enacting the battles of yesterday out of comfort. That feel much closer to the truth.

2024-12-30

This is a fitting week to finally share notes from the most significant work that I read all year: Robert Caro’s presidential biography, The Years of Lyndon Johnson (1982-). Well, all four published volumes, that is—the fifth and final volume is forthcoming.

Sharing everything from what amounted to more than 80 pages of handwritten notes is obviously unwieldy, so I’ll limit myself to a key insight or two from each book, and try to focus on what I’ve yet to see appreciated elsewhere. If you’re truly curious, though, there’s just no substitute to turning every page for yourself.

The Path to Power (1982) traces Johnson’s roots in Texas Hill Country to his early career in federal politics as a member of the House of Representatives. That Caro moved to Texas, for a time, seems, at least to me, as much about achieving total mastery over his subject as it is about cementing the uniquely comprehensive method he developed during his first book, The Power Broker (1974). The uncompromising detail isn’t strictly necessary, and may well be fair game critically, but it is the definitive feature of Caro’s work and what will no doubt endure. The chapters about FDR’s New Deal and Johnson’s effort to deliver rural electrification (14 and 27, respectively), for example, describe in detail a poverty that the affluent world has since traded for progress. It’s possible tell this story without more than a cursory acknowledgment of the way that things were before, but we’d be poorer for it—worse, we wouldn’t be any wiser about what we were missing.

Here’s a great example of Caro’s extraordinary ability to maintain concision at depth (and my favourite sentence from this volume): “His opponents’ charges about Johnson’s unprecedented expenditures were buried under Johnson denials, broadcast thanks to Johnson’s unprecedented expenditures.”

You can hang The Means of Ascent (1990), which follows Johnson’s uh, let’s say, legally successful effort to get a seat in the Senate, on this sentence alone: “In the landscape of Lyndon Johnson’s life, already littered with stolen elections, the 1948 election was simply one more detail.” This is the shortest volume in the series and is ultimately as much about Johnson as his one-time opponent, former Governor of Texas, Coke Stevenson. In my reading, if you take the penultimate chapter to heart, Stevenson ended up with the greater prize. Here’s a quote from him, that I think deserves a little sunlight, and one we ought to keep in mind today: “A conservative—he’s one who holds things together,” he told the reporter. “He shouldn’t fight all progressive movements, but he should be the balance wheel to hold the movement to where it won’t get out of hand.”

Master of the Senate (2002) stands taller than the other volumes for me, almost entirely on the merit of Caro’s opening gambit: rethreading the history of America through the desks of the Senate. A 50 page opening chapter that focuses on furniture definitively proves that it’s not what you’re teaching but how. Wanting to read this volume is what attracted me to the series, because I wanted to understand how Johnson was able to move legislation—any legislation, let alone civil rights—forward so successfully. That’s a skill we seem to have misplaced of late.

The answer is twofold. First, for all of our deadlock, tribalism, and obstructionism, we all too often forget how to navigate the machinery of government. In Johnson’s context in the Senate, this meant a body that had been “…created to be independent, to stand against the tyranny of presidential power and the tides of public opinion.” Understanding how the hardware functions is the key to getting anything done. Second, and once you have mastered that, you can leverage it to get a better result from the software (i.e. the members of the body) by creating common ground, compromising, and counting the votes. Putting that all together is not simple, but the essence of how to put it together really is that simple.

The Passage of Power (2019) follows Johnson’s sudden pivot from being relegated to the vice presidency, after commanding unprecedented power in the Senate, to suddenly presiding over a remarkably clever continuity of government in both program and personnel as president. Caro is correct that this tough hand played extremely well remains under-appreciated. As is this distinction between the two presidents, which offers a harsh lesson for idealists: “Where Kennedy had been polite and sympathetic on all matters of basic principle, more often than not he had been evasive on action.”

Caro’s account in Chapter 4 (“The Back Stairs”) of the immediate aftermath between the respective Kennedy and Johnson camps, following JFK’s offer to LBJ of the vice presidential spot on the ticket, should he want it, would make an exceptional film. The key to this would not involve any formal effort to reconcile the divergent accounts of those involved, but to give the viewer enough whole pieces to try and put it together form themselves. Here’s Caro breaking the the fourth wall, as it were:

“And then,” Connally was to say, “Bobby Kennedy showed up, and said he wanted to see Mr. Johnson”—and from that moment, and for approximately the next three hours, nothing was settled, and during those hours what had previously remained, despite all the tension, within the boundaries of normal political behavior, was transformed, with the admixture of personal hatred, into confusion and chaos, a chaos whose aftermath would, during the next eight years, affect profoundly the shape of American politics and, to a lesser but still surprisingly significant degree, the shape of American history.

No two people of the many who were involved can agree on anything that happened during those hours. Each account, and some are quite detailed and convincing, contains statements that are impossible to reconcile with, or that directly contradict, statements in other accounts—which are also quite detailed and convincing. […] Chronologies of that afternoon's events were later compiled by more than one of the participants—but no two chronologies are the same.

Isn’t that remarkable? Have you ever heard about this before—or, in the event that you have, with the same confident resignation from a man who has obviously read every account and knows? I’m telling you: this would make a compelling film, even if it relied almost exclusively on hard cuts and walking-and-talking silhouettes.

Overall, my sense is that we can’t fully appreciate the real work that the forth volume is setting up until we have our hands on the fifth and final volume. Here’s looking forward to that—and, to a new year ahead. Happy reading.

2024-12-23

Canada’s House of Commons is next scheduled to sit on Monday 27 January 2025. The opposition parties, together comprising more members than the government’s minority of 153 seats, have respectively indicated their intention to trigger an election through a confidence vote at their earliest opportunity.

As such, let us hope for two things. First, for the prime minister to beat the calendar to the inevitable conclusion and to trigger an election himself. Second, for the opposition parties to cease using the phrase “non-confidence motion”—strictly speaking, the question of confidence is a result of the motion. Maybe don’t actually sound like you’re barbarians at the gates, yeah?

The resumption of postal service has released my imported copy of Ali Smith’s latest novel, Gliff (2024), from limbo, which is not due out in North America until February. It’s a burden to be prescient. I hope there isn’t reason in the coming months to laud the novel for more than it’s literary value. This line is welcome to live in my head rent-free for as long as it pleases:

If only people paid more attention, she said, to what history tells us rather than all this endless congratulating ourselves for finding a new way to read it.

While we’re on that sensitive subject, let’s appreciate this blunt thought from a recent Economist article about the decline of scholarly writing (especially in the humanities):

Though authors may argue that their work is written for expert audiences, much of the general public suspects that some academics use gobbledygook to disguise the fact that they have nothing useful to say. The trend towards more opaque prose hardly allays this suspicion.

You tell me: is the Atlantic’s Jonathan Chait right to see this moment as the end of an era? It’s a compelling thought—but, then again, the end of the year makes its own persuasive case for punctuation.

If you find your ears free this week, may I suggest the following podcast episodes: (1) Kara Swisher’s On Best (and Most Overrated) Books of 2024 chat with critics Dwight Garner and Becca Rothfeld; (2) the end of 99% Invisible’s reading of the Power Broker by Robert Caro (including a chat with the man himself); and (3) Ed Elson’s very astute guest column, in his Prof G Market co-host’s newsletter, No Mercy / No Malice (as read by George Hahn), on brands v. people (seriously, it’s the best thing I heard all week).

2024-12-16

With any luck, Canada is now finally en route to holding its 45th General Election.

The next government would do well to heed this advice from Ryan Manucha, in a recent guest piece in the Globe and Mail, which is, incidentally, the best thing I read all week:

The nation of Canada was forged in part as a response to the harmful trade policy changes of foreign governments. Canada must once again look within for economic resilience and prosperity. Specifically, it must renew focus on obstacles to trade within our own borders.

The best thing that I heard all week was Craig Ferguson’s recent Joy podcast chat with Adam Savage. If you’ve heard a lot about the medium recently and have become curious, this episode is a great example it’s becoming increasingly popular.

2024-12-09

If you did not see that presidential pardon coming, as the equal and opposite reaction to being dropped from the ticket, you’ve got brain rot, mate.

If there’s any tension between Einstein’s famous definition of insanity and Mark Twain’s quip about history rhyming, it’s on full and terrifying display in Andrew Rudyk’s recent retrospective on Hoovernomics in the Toronto Star.

The best thing that I listened to all week was a recent episode of journalist Latika Bourke’s podcast, Latika Takes, where she recently hosted a panel at the the Australian Institute of International Affairs conference on the subject of the incoming American administration. The immediate context was Australian politics and national defence, but their commentary may as well suffice for other countries like Canada. There’s also a seriousness here that reminded me I haven’t heard a group of Canadians talk like this in a long time.

Rounding out other items of note this week, the Spectator’s Matthew Parris has written an exceptional defence of the venerable first-past-the-post voting system, while the Economist offers up a thoughtful piece about our new, increasingly fractured media era.

2024-12-02

The word that unites respective guest editorials about the tariff threat, from former leader of the Conservative Party of Canada (in the National Post) and the head of Toronto’s Regional Board of Trade (in the Globe and Mail), which led the punditry pack last week for sharpest takes, is serious. They’re right. It’s time to get serious.

The Spectator’s sensible Sam Leith on rule by petition.

Mike Murphy of the Hacks on Tap podcast recently shared the three “rules of gravity” regarding the looming Democratic leadership contest (that we ought to internalize immediately):

The first law of gravity is nobody knows anything. The second law is early polls don't matter, they're all name ID. And then third law is vacuums get filled. So I think everybody's going to run.

Lastly, AppleTV’s exceptional series Shrinking (2023-) just concluded it’s second season. If you’re in the market for a smoothly written series, by a handful of television veterans, who know how to balance comedy and drama, and bludgeon you with both lovingly but without warning, look no further.

Correction: Shrinking actually concludes Christmas Day.

2024-11-25

The ongoing stand-off in the House of Commons provides an opportunity to retire this cliché that our system is broken. I know that’s counter-intuitive, so let’s use a simple metaphor to make the point: the problem is not the hardware, it’s the latest software. Our venerable hardware has been effectively operating for centuries. What changes over time are the members themselves. Uninstalling them can often resolve the issue. Of course, as is the way with software, newer versions may fix old bugs, while introducing new ones entirely.

Speaking of Canada, and questionable priorities, it’s only fair that I now also admonish the federal government for their year-end tax holiday and new year tax rebate cheque plan—that is, $6.28 billion that will not go to address our national debt (nearing $1.5 trillion) or, say, meeting our outstanding NATO obligations.

If you’re interested in the future of media, don’t miss Canadaland’s recent interview with the founder of Substack.

2024-11-18

You’re still over-thinking it. Luckily, the Atlantic’s Annie Lowrey has an even better follow-up article this week. You still needn’t read anything else.

I sure picked an odd week to read T.H. White’s The Once and Future King (1958). Well, who is to say what calls to us from the book pile and why? Here’s an evergreen passage we would all do well to keep in mind now and always:

“The best thing for being sad,” replied Merlyn, beginning to puff and blow, “is to learn something. That is the only thing that never fails. You may grow old and trembling in your anatomies, you may lie awake at night listening to the disorder of your veins, you may miss your only love, you may see the world about you devastated by evil lunatics, or know your honour trampled in the sewers of baser minds. There is only one thing for it then—to learn. Learn why the world wags and what wags it. That is the only thing which the mind can never exhaust, never alienate, never be tortured by, never fear or distrust, and never dream of regretting. Learning is the thing for you."

2024-11-11

“Prices spiked more during the Biden administration,” writes Annie Lowrey in the Atlantic, in the only post-election analysis that is worthy of your time, “than at any point since the early 1980s.”

Don’t over-think it. Don’t point fingers. And, don’t call people names.

Sometimes you lose. That’s what it means to live in a democracy. Losing takes time to walk-off, but the only thing that matters is getting right back in the game. The Democratic Party has an extraordinary generational opportunity before it to rebrand from the ground-up. It should take that seriously. Starting with, if I may, examining their coalition’s key fault line of overlooking 24% of the electorate, as astutely observed by Scott Galloway, in his No Mercy / No Malice newsletter endorsement of the vice president (prior to the election).

Today is Remembrance Day. Let’s remember that fighting for what you believe in means contesting every inch of ground, not throwing your hands up in preemptive surrender. There are many threats to democracy, but repeatedly saying that it’s already over is an insult to our forebears—who fought for every inch to get us here.

The president-elect has already named a chief of staff. Politico is among the first to offer a primer on the first woman to be appointed to the role. If you’re interested in the unique role this position plays in the administration, I highly recommend Chris Whipple’s excellent book, The Gatekeepers (2017).

Farewell, Quincy Jones. I liked Spencer Kornhaber’s tribute in the Atlantic most for this thought: “Jones used his talent and expertise to design a future we’re still catching up to.”

2024-11-04

The government of Ontario recently confirmed its intention to send each taxpayer a $200 refund cheque early next year. It’s probably safe to assume, with this comment, that the editorial board of the Globe and Mail aren’t looking forward to spending that on alcohol at their respective corner stores:

…a true fiscally conservative government would at least ensure that it eliminated its budget deficit before handing out billions of dollars in electoral bribes.

According to some back-of-the-napkin fiscal responsibility from the Frasier Institute Blog, Ontario’s debt will rise by $21 billion this year to $429 billion. The rebate scheme will cost $3 billion. Like the kids say: that math’s not math-ing.

Speaking of leadership, here’s former US Navy admiral William McRaven in the Wall Street Journal reflecting on civility and the week ahead:

Being a person of good character matters. Doing what is right matters because when a leader exhibits honor, integrity and decency, it instills those qualities in the culture of the institution and in the next generation of leaders.

To quote a former president: Don’t boo. Vote.

Here’s a passage that I enjoyed from Anil Gomes’s review of Daniel Dennett’s memoir, I’ve Been Thinking (2023), in the London Review of Books:

Dennett’s stories have a dialogical function: they’re a way to get you to see the truth, but not by means of argument. This also explains the variety of intuition pumps one finds in his writings. Some philosophers offer multiple arguments for a view, as if stacking them up somehow made for a more convincing case. But if you have just one good argument, nothing more is necessary; and if your arguments are bad, it doesn’t matter if they are one or many. Stories, by contrast, can strike different people at different times in different ways.

2024-10-28

“According to the Liberal [Party of Canada’s] constitution,” writes Tristan Hopper in his First Reading National Post newsletter:

…the only time party members get to vote on their leader is if a leader dies, resigns or contests an election in which they fail to “become or continue to be the Prime Minister.”

The same parliamentary principle that requires a government to maintain the confidence of the House also extends to the leader of each party and their caucus. Leadership changes between elections (or “spills” as Australia charmingly calls them) are never elegant—recall, for example, that the UK most recently had three different Conservative leaders (and, therefore, prime ministers) between elections—but, they’re a feature and not a bug. Caucus leverage over leader is an important convention, one to which the LPC (and all parties, for that matter) should adhere.

Trick or treat? Well, we won’t know the answer to that until after Halloween. With just seven days to go before the US presidential election, keeping perspective, like the Wall Street Journal’s Gerard Baker, is critical:

One thing we desperately need to get away from is the silly idea that our country's greatness is a partisan achievement, one that can be eviscerated by a few thousand voters going the wrong way in a swing state next month. Merely to articulate the thought is to show how stupid it is.

I cannot recommend Charles C.W. Cooke’s most recent National Review article (on the future of conservatism) enough. First, it reads like a devastatingly blunt but fair report card on both presidential candidates. Second, it reminds us that a healthy political spectrum should be the goal of our politics more generally. That is, you don’t have to be a member of the opposing tribe to have a vested interest in their continued coherence and clarity.

Dana Gould has released his annual Halloween podcast special. Don’t miss the middle feature about film adaptations of Bram Stoker’s novel, Dracula (1897). The book-based-on-the-movie-based-on-the-book point of order alone is both terrifying and hilarious.

2024-10-21

For all the international commentary regarding the apparent plot within the prime minister’s own party to politely push him out, let’s not overlook his government’s continued flirtation with being held in contempt of Parliament. As a Globe and Mail quite rightly reminds us:

There is no precedent that allows the government to weasel its way out of a House production order; its only alternatives are to prorogue Parliament, a doubling down on disdain that the Harper government resorted to in a similar case in 2009, or simply refuse to comply and be found in contempt of Parliament, an extremely rare occurrence that the Harper government inflicted upon itself in 2011, and which can lead to a non-confidence motion.

It’s not over until it’s over—and, even then, it may still not be over until the very last vote is counted (and recounted). The only thing pundits and polls will do in the meantime is feed your anxiety. If you absolutely must engage in idle speculation about the forthcoming US election, better to aim for thoughtful fare like Gerald F. Seib’s “bright spots” essay in the Wall Street Journal, or Adam Gopnik’s reflection on the worst case in the New Yorker, which includes this anchoring observation:

To grasp what is at stake in this strangest of political seasons, it helps to define the space in which the contest is taking place. We may be standing on the edge of an abyss, and yet nothing is wrong, in the expected way of countries on the brink of apocalypse. The country is not convulsed with riots, hyperinflation, or mass immiseration. What we have is a sort of phony war—a drôle de guerre, a sitzkrieg—with the vehemence of conflict mainly confined to what we might call the cultural space.

The best thing I read all week was Giles Coren’s response in the Times to the news about Christopher Columbus’s apparent DNA analysis. It’s precisely what I thought when the evidently breaking news alert rudely arrived on my phone.

Over on his excellent podcast, Lexicon Valley, John McWhorter takes a fun look at the word busy.

2024-10-14

I admire anyone who can capture the prevailing mood—read the room—in any given situation, with as few words as possible. Here’s a first rate example from Lance Morrow, in the Wall Street Journal, on the final days of the US presidential campaign: “Rarely has history seemed so silly and so ominous at the same time.”

Here’s a great line from Randall Denley, in his open letter to the Ontario Liberal Party in the National Post, on their obvious struggle to score on an open net: “Democracy doesn’t work well unless there are at least two parties offering credible alternatives on important issues.”

This year’s Massey Lecture, by Ian Williams, entitled What I Mean to Say (2024), explores the theme of conversation. It meanders, like a conversation, but charmingly so. I hope the subtle effort to engage some of the previous lectures in the series during the final chapter in, well, conversation, does not go unappreciated.

Here are the two respective passages that I appreciated most:

There is a greater danger in not having the conversation about the state of our world, by which I mean the state of our lives, than in having it. If we don't talk, we risk imagining each other in ways that are self-serving; we use each other as props to confirm our treasured biases, to invent malice, and to scapegoat for social problems. Conversations act as a corrective to our assumptions and delusions.

Our insistence on shoring up identities is constantly setting us in opposition to other identities and turning them to strangers, most neutrally, or enemies, more typically. The psychic exhaustion of carrying identities is pressing us down, depressing us.